Napoleon had too much sense to be led by the blind existences of democratic formulae； his eyes， which penetrated beyond mere words， at once perceived that the life of a simple soldier， for a young man well brought up and a peasant or for day-laborer， is unequal. A tolerable bed， sufficient clothing， good shoes， certainty of daily bread， a piece of meat regularly， are novelties for the latter but not for the former， and， consequently， enjoyments； that the promiscuity and odor of the barrack chamber， the corporal's cursing and swearing and rude orders， the mess-dish and camp-bread， physical hardships all day and every other day， are for the former， but not for the latter， novelties and， consequently， sufferings. From which it follows that， if literal equality is applied， positive inequality is established， and that by virtue even of the new creed， it is necessary， in the name of true equality as in the name of true liberty， to allow the former， who would suffer most， to treat fairly and squarely with the latter， who will suffer less. And all the more because， by this arrangement， the civil staff preserves for itself its future recruits； it is from nineteen to twenty-six that the future chiefs and under-chiefs of the great work of peaceful and fruitful labor， the savants， artists or scholars， the jurisconsults， engineers or physicians， the enterprising men of commerce or of industry， receive and undertake for themselves a special and superior education， discover or acquire their leading ideas， and elaborate their originality or their competency. If talent is to be deprived of these productive years their growth is arrested in full vegetation， and civil capacities， not less precious for the State than military capacities， are rendered abortive.[71] - Towards 1804，[72] owing to substitution， one conscript out of five in the rural districts， one conscript out of seven in the towns， and， on the average， one conscript out of ten in France， escapes this forced abortive condition； in 1806， the price of a substitute varies from eighteen hundred to four thousand francs，[73] and as capital is scarce， and ready money still more so， a sum like this is sufficiently large. Accordingly， it is the rich or well-to-do class， in other words the more or less cultivated class， which buys off its sons： reliance may be placed on their giving them more or less complete culture. In this way， it prevents the State from mowing down all its sprouting wheat and preserves a nursery of subjects among which society is to find its future élite. - Thus attenuated， the military law is still rigid enough： nevertheless it remains endurable. It is only towards 1807[74] that it becomes monstrous and grows worse and worse from year to year until it becomes the sepulcher of all French youth， even to taking as canon fodder the adolescent under age and men already exempt or free by purchase. But， as before these excesses， it may still be maintained with certain modifications； it suffices almost to retouch it， to establish exemptions and the privilege of substitution as rights， which were once simply favors，[75] reduce the annual contingent， limit the term of service， guarantee their lasting freedom to those liberated， and thus secure in 1818 a recruiting law satisfactory and efficacious which， for more than half a century， will attain its ends without being too detrimental or too odious， and which， among so many laws of the same sort， all mischievous， is perhaps the least pernicious.
_________________________________________________________________Notes：
[1] "The Ancient Régime，" book II.， ch. 2， 3， 4， and book V. (Laff. I.
pp. 95 to 125 and pp. 245 to 308.)
[2] La Bruyère is， I believe， the first of these precursors. Cf. his chapters on "The Great，" on "Personal Merit，" on "The Sovereign and the Republic，" and his chapter on "Man，" his passages on "The Peasants，" on "Provincial Notes，" etc. These appeals， later on， excite the applause given to the "Marriage of Figaro." But， in the anticipatory indictment， they strike deeper； there is no gayety in them， the dominant sentiment being one of sadness， resignation， and bitterness.
[3] "Discours prononcé par l'ordre du roi et en sa presence， le 22février 1787，" by M. de Calonne， contr？1eur-général， p.22. "What remains then to fill this fearful void (in the finances)？ Abuses. The abuses now demanding suppression for the public weal are the most considerable and the best protected， those that are the deepest rooted and which send out the most branches. They are the abuses which weigh most heavily on the working and producing classes， the abuses of financial privileges， the exceptions to the common law and to so many unjust exemptions which relieve only a portion of the taxpayers by aggravating the lot of the others； general inequality in the distribution of subsidies and the enormous disproportion which exists in the taxation of different provinces and among the offices filled by subjects of the same sovereign； severity and arbitrariness in the collection of the taille； bureaux of internal transportation， and obstacles that render different parts of the same kingdom strangers to each other； rights that discourage industry； those of which the collection requires excessive expenditure and innumerable collectors."[4] De Ségur， " Mémoires，" III.， 591. In 1791， on his return from Russia， his brother says to him， speaking of the Revolution：