In the battalion of federates， they begin by saying that， as the Constitution is now accepted and the convention recognized， it is no longer allowed to protect deputies whom it has declared outlaws： "that would be creating a faction." Thereupon， the deputies withdraw from the battalion， and， in a little squad by themselves， march along separately. As they are nineteen in number， resolute and well armed， the authorities of the market-towns through which they pass make no opposition by force； it would be offering battle， and that surpasses a functionary's zeal； moreover， the population is either indifferent toward them or sympathetic. Nevertheless， efforts are made to stop them， sometimes to surround them and take them by surprise； for， a warrant of arrest is out against them， transmitted through the hierarchical channel， and every local magistrate feels bound to do his duty as gendarme. Under this administrative network， the meshes of which they encounter everywhere， the proscribed deputies can do naught else but hide in caves or escape by sea. -- On reaching Bordeaux， they find other sheep getting ready for the slaughter-house. Saige， the mayor， preaches conciliation and patience： he declines the aid of four or five thousand young men， three thousand grenadiers of the National Guard， and two or three hundred volunteers who had formed themselves into a club against the Jacobin club. He persuades them to disband； he sends a deputation to Paris to entreat the Convention to overlook "a moment of error" and pardon their "brethren who had gone astray." -- "They flattered themselves，" says a deputy， an eye-witness，[68] "that prompt submission would appease the resentment of tyrants and that these would be， or pretend to be， generous enough to spare a town that had distinguished itself more than any other during the Revolution." Up to the last， they are to entertain the same illusions and manifest the same docility. When Tallien， with his eighteen hundred peasants and brigands， enters Bordeaux， twelve thousand National Guards， equipped， armed and in uniform， receive him wearing oak-leaf crowns； they listen in silence to "his astounding and outrageous discourse；" they suffer him to tear off their crowns， cockades and epaulettes； the battalions allow themselves to be disbanded on the spot； on returning to their quarters they listen with downcast eyes to the proclamation which "orders all inhabitants without distinction to bring their arms within thirty-six hours， under the penalty of death， to the glacis of the Chateau-Trompette； before the time elapses thirty thousand guns， swords， pistols and even pocket-knives are given up."Here， as at Paris， on the 20th of June， 10th of August， 2nd of September， 3rd of May and 2nd of June， as at every critical moment of the Revolution in Paris and the provinces， habits of subordination and of amiability， stamped on a people by a provident monarchy and a time-honored civilization， have blunted in man the foresight of danger， his aggressive instinct， his independence and the faculty of depending upon himself only， the willingness to help one another and of saving himself. Inevitably， when anarchy brings a nation back to the state of nature， the tame animals will be eaten by the savage ones， -- these are now let loose and immediately they show their true nature.
VIII. The Reasons for the Terror.
The last local resistance. -- Political orthodoxy of the insurgent towns. -- They stipulate but one condition. -- Reasons of State for granting this. -- Party arguments against it.
If the men of the "Mountain" had been statesmen， or even sensible men， they would have shown themselves humane， if not for the sake of humanity， at least through calculation； for in this France， so little republican， all the republican strength is not too great for the founding of the Republic， while， through their principles， their culture， their social position and their number， the Girondins form the élite and the force， the flower and the sap of the party. -- The death-cry of the "Mountain" against the insurgents of Lozére[69] and Vendée can be understood： they had raised the king's white flag； they accepted leaders and instructions from Coblentz and London. But neither Bordeaux， Marseilles nor Lyons are royalist， or in alliance with the foreigner.
"We， rebels！" write the Lyonnese；[70] "Why we see no other than the tri-color flag waving； the white cockade， the symbol of rebellion， has never been raised within our walls. We， royalists！ Why， shouts of 'Long live the Republic' are heard on all sides， and， spontaneously (in the session of July 2nd) we have all sworn to fall upon whoever should propose a king. . . . Your representatives tell you that we are anti-revolutionaries， we who have accepted the Constitution. They tell you that we protect émigrés when we have offered to surrender all those that you might indicate. They tell you that our streets are filled with refractory priests， when we have not even opened the doors of Pierre-en-Cize (prison) to the thirty-two priests confined there by the old municipality， without indictment， without any charge whatever against them， solely because they were priests."Thus， at Lyons， the pretended aristocrats were， then， not only republicans but democrats and radicals， loyal to the established régime， and submissive to the worst of the revolutionary laws， while the same state of things prevailed at Bordeaux， at Marseilles and even at Toulon.[71] And furthermore， they accepted the outrages of May 31and June 2；[72] they stopped contesting the usurpations of Paris； they no longer insisted on the return of the excluded deputies. On the 2nd of August at Bordeaux， and the 30th of July at Lyons， the Committee-Extraordinary of Public Safety resigned； there no longer existed any rival assembly opposed to the Convention. After the 24th of July，[73]