For， this is not borrowed emotion； it does not descend from above；they are not a trusty army of disciplined soldiers， but a suspicious accumulation of temporary adherents. To command them requires obedience to them， their leaders always remaining their tool. However popular and firmly established a chief may seem to be， he is there only for a short time， at all times subject to their approval as the bullhorn for their passions and the purveyor to their appetites.[111]
Such was Pétion in July， 1792， and such is Marat since the days of September. "One Marat more or less (which will soon be seen) would not change the course of events."[112] -- "But one only would remain，[113]
Chaumette， for instance； one would suffice to lead the horde，" because it is the horde itself which leads. "Its attachment will always be awarded to whoever shows a disposition to follow it the closest in its outrages without in any respect caring for its former leaders. . .
Its liking for Marat and Robespierre is not so great as for those who will exclaim， Let us kill， let us plunder！" Let the leader of the day stop following the current of the day， and he will be crushed as an obstacle or cast off as a piece of wreckage. -- Judge if they are willing to be entangled in the spider's web which the Girondins put in their way. Instead of the metaphysical constitution with which the Girondins confront them， they have one in their own head ready made， simple to the last point， adapted to their capacity and their instincts. The reader will call to mind one of their chiefs， whom we have already met， M. Saule， "a stout， stunted little old man， drunk all his life， formerly an upholsterer， then a peddler of quackeries in the shape of four-penny boxes of hangman's grease， to cure pains in the loins，[114] afterwards chief of the claque in the galleries of the Constituent Assembly and driven out for rascality， restored under the Legislative Assembly， and， under the protection of a groom of the Court， favored with a spot near the Assembly door， to set up a patriotic coffee-shop， then awarded six hundred francs as a recompense， provided with national quarters， appointed inspector of the tribunes， a regulator of public opinion， and now "one of the madcaps of the Corn-market." Such a man is typical， an average specimen of his party， not only in education， character and conduct， but， again， in ambition， principles， logic and success. "He swore that he would make his fortune， and he did it. His constant cry was that nobles and priests should be put down， and we no longer have either.
He has constantly shouted against the civil list， and the civil list has been suppressed. At last， lodged in the house belonging to Louis XVI.， he told him to his face that his head ought to be struck off， and the head of Louis XVI. has fallen." -- Here， in a nutshell， is the history and the portrait of all the others； it is not surprising that genuine Jacobins see the Revolution in the same way as M. Saule，[115]
* when， for them， the sole legitimate Constitution is the definitive establishment of their omnipotence；* when they designate as order and justice the boundless despotism they exercise over property and life；* when their instinct， as narrow and violent as that of a Turkish bey， comprises only extreme and destructive measures， arrests， deportations， confiscations， executions， all of which is done with head erect， with delight as if a patriotic duty， by right of a moral priesthood， in the name of the people， either directly and tumultuously with their own hands， or indirectly and legally by the hands of their docile representatives.
This is the sum of their political system， from which nothing will detach them； for they are anchored fast to it with the full weight and with every hold upon it that characterizes their immorality， ignorance and folly. Through the hypocritical glitter of compulsory parades， their one fixed idea imposes itself on the orator that he may utter it in tirades， on the legislator that he may put it into decrees， on the administrator that he may put it in practice， and， from their opening campaign up to their final victory， they will tolerate but one variation， and this variation is trifling. In September， 1792， they declare by their acts：
"Those whose opinions are opposed to ours will be assassinated， and their gold， jewels and pocketbooks will belong to us."In November， 1793， they are to declare through the official inauguration of the revolutionary government：
"those whose opinions differ from ours will be guillotined and we shall be their heirs."[116]
Between this program， which is supported by the Jacobin population and the program of the Girondins which the majority in the Convention supports， between Condorcet's Constitution and the summary articles of M. Saule， it is easy to see which will prevail. "These Parisian blackguards，" says a Girondist， "take us for their valets！[117] Let a valet contradict his master and he is sure to lose his place. From the first day， when the Convention in a body traversed the streets to begin its sessions， certain significant expressions enabled it to see into what hands it had fallen：
"Why should so many folks come here to govern France，" says a bystander， "haven't we enough in Paris？"[118]
________________________________________________________________Notes：
[1] Any contempory Western reader take notice ！ ！ The proof of any Jacobin or Socialist or Communist take-over， surreptitious or open-handed， lies in their take-over of the important posts in politics， the judicial system， the media and the administration. They may be years in doing this， placing convinced or controlled men and women， first in the faculties， later in career post， so that they， 30 years later， have their people on all leading posts； or they may do it all at once， like the Jacobins in France， Lenin in Russia or Stalin in the conquered territories after the second world war. (SR).