This "National Institute，" is the Government's tool and an appendage of the State. This is in conformity with the traditions of the old monarchy and with the plans， sketched out and decreed by the revolutionary assemblies，[36] in conformity with the immemorial principle of French law which enlarges the interference of the central power， not only in relation to public instruction but to science， literature and the fine arts. It is the State which has produced and shaped it， which has given to it its title， which assigns it its object， its location， its subdivisions， its dependencies， its correspondences， its mode of recruitment， which prescribes its labors， its reports， its quarterly and annual sessions， which gives it employment and defrays its expenses. Its members receive a salary， and "the subjects elected[37] must be confirmed by the First Consul."Moreover， Napoleon has only to utter a word to insure votes for the candidate whom he approves of， or to blackball the candidate whom he dislikes. Even when confirmed by the head of the State， an election can be cancelled by his successor； in 1816，[38] Monge， Carnot， Guyton de Morveau， Grégoire， Garat， David and others， sanctioned by long possession and by recognized merit， are to be stricken off the list.
By the same sovereign right， the State admits and excludes them， the right of the creator over his creation， and， without pushing his right as far as that， Napoleon uses it.
He holds the members of his Institute in check with singular rigidity， even when， outside of the Institute and as private individuals， they fail to observe in their writings the proper rules imposed on every public body. The rod falls heavily on Jér？me de Lalande， the mathematician and astronomer who continues the work of Montucla， publicly and in a humiliating way， the blow being given by his colleagues who are thus delegated for the purpose. "A member of the Institute，" says the imperial note，[39] "well known for his attainments， but now fallen into an infantile state， is not wise enough to keep his mouth shut， and tries to have himself talked about， at one time by advertisements unworthy of his old reputation as well as of the body to which he belongs， and again by openly professing atheism， the great enemy of all social organization." Consequently， the presidents and secretaries of the Institute， summoned by the minister， notify the Institute "that it must send to M. de Lalande and enjoin him not to print anything， not cast a shadow in his old age over what he has done in his vigorous days to obtain the esteem of savants." M. de Chateaubriand， in the draft for his admission address， alluding to the revolutionary role of his predecessor， Marie Chénier， observed that he could eulogize him only as the man of letters，[40] and， in the reception committee， six out of twelve academicians had accepted the draft. Thereupon， Fontanes， one of the twelve， prudently abstains from going to Saint-Cloud. M. de Ségur， however， president of the committee， he goes. In the evening， at the coucher， Napoleon advances to him before the whole court and， in that terrifying tone of voice which， even today， vibrates from the dead lines of the silent page，"Sir，" says he to him， "do the literary people really desire to set France ablaze？ . . . How dare the Academy speak of regicides？ . . . Iought to put you and M. de Fontanes， as Councillor of State and Grand-Master， in Vincennes. . . . You preside over the second division of the Institute. I order you to inform it that I will not allow politics at its sessions. . . . If the class disobeys I will put an end to it as an objectionable club！"Thus warned， the members of the Institute remain within the circle traced out for them and， for many， the circle is sufficiently large.