Behold him， at last， this judge-arbitrator. On the 8th November， 1799， he appears and takes his seat， and that very evening he goes to work， makes his selections among the competitors and gives them their commissions. He is a military chieftain and has installed himself；consequently he is not dependent on a parliamentary majority， and any insurrection or gathering of a mob is at once rendered abortive by his troops before it is born. Street sovereignty is at an end； Parisians are long to remember the 13th of Vendémaire and the way General Bonaparte shot them down on the steps of Saint-Roch. All his precautions against them are taken the first day and against all agitators whatever， against all opponents disposed to dispute his jurisdiction. His arm-chair as first Consul and afterwards his throne as Emperor are firmly fixed； nobody but himself can undermine them； he is seated definitively and will stay there. Profound silence reigns in the public crowd around him； some among them dare whisper， but his police has its eye on them. Instead of conforming to opinion he rules it， masters it and， if need be， he manufactures it. Alone by himself from his seat on high， in perfect independence and security， he announces the verdicts of distributive justice. Nevertheless he is on his guard against the temptations and influences which have warped the decisions of his predecessors； in his tribunal， the schemes and intrigues which formerly obtained credit with the people， or with the king， are no longer in vogue； from now on， the profession of courtier or of demagogue is a poor one. - On the one hand， there is no success， as formerly under the monarchy， through the attentions of the ante-chamber， through elegant manners， delicate flattery， fashionable drawing-rooms， or valets and women on an intimate footing； mistresses here enjoy no credit and there are neither favorites nor the favored；a valet is regarded as a useful implement； great personages are not considered as extra-ornamental and human furniture for the palace. Not one among them dare ask for a place for a protégé which he is incapable of filling， an advancement which would derange the lists of promotions， a pass over the heads of others； if they obtain any favors， these are insignificant or political； the master grants them as an after-thought， to rally somebody， or a party， to his side； they personally， their ornamental culture， their high-bred tone， their wit， their conversational powers， their smiles and bows - all this is lost on him， or charged to account. He has no liking for their insinuating and discreet ways；[26] he regards them as merely good domestics for parade； all he esteems in them is their ceremonial significance， that innate suppleness which permits them to be at once servile and dignified， the hereditary tact which teaches them how to present a letter， not from hand to hand， but on the rim of a hat， or on a silver plate， and these faculties he estimates at their true worth. - On the other hand， nobody succeeds， as lately under the Republic， through tribunal or club verbosity， through appeals to principles， through eloquent or declamatory tirades； "glittering generalities，" hollow abstractions and phrases made to produce an impression have no effect；and what is better， political ideology， with a solicitor or pleader， is a bad note. The positive， practical mind of the judge has taken in at a glance and penetrated to the bottom of arguments， means and valid pretensions； he submits impatiently to metaphysics and pettifoggery， to the argumentative force and mendacity of words. - This goes so far that he distrusts oratorical or literary talent； in any event when he entrusts active positions or a part in public business then he takes no note of it. According to him， "the men who write well and are eloquent have no solidity of judgment； they are illogical and very poor in discussion，"[27] they are mere artists like others， so many word-musicians， a kind of special， narrow-minded instrument， some of them good solo players， like Fontanes， and who the head of a State can use， but only in official music for grand cantatas and the decoration of his reign. Wit in itself， not alone the wit which gives birth to brilliant expressions and which was considered a prime accomplishment under the old regime， but general intelligence， has for him only a semi-value.[28] "I am more brilliant[29]， you may say？ Eh， what do Icare for your intelligence？ What I care for is the essence of the matter. There is nobody so foolish that is not good for something -there is no intelligence equal to everything." In fact， on bestowing an office it is the function which delegates； the proper execution of the function is the prime motive in determining his choice； the candidate appointed is always the one who will best do the work assigned him. No factitious， party popularity or unpopularity， no superficial admiration or disparagement of a clique， of a salon， or of a bureau， makes him swerve from his standard of preference.[30] He values men according to the quality and quantity of their work， according to their net returns， and he estimates them directly， personally， with superior perspicacity and universal competency. He is special in all branches of civil or military activity， and even in technical detail； his memory for facts， actions， antecedence and circumstances， is prodigious； his discernment， his critical analysis， his calculating insight into the resources and shortcomings of a mind or of a soul， his faculty for gauging men， is extraordinary； through constant verifications and rectifications his internal repertory， his biographical and moral dictionary， is kept daily posted； his attention never flags； he works eighteen hours a day； his personal intervention and his hand are visible even in the appointment of subordinates.
